What set my blood ablaze? The 46 Afrikaners who boarded a jet to the United States—cloaked in the victimhood of persecution, paraded before the altar of Donald Trump’s twisted version of asylum. They cry “persecution.”

Persecuted by whom? The Black majority reclaiming their dignity? The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa?

This is not migration. This is secession in motion.

The Great White Land Grab: Leasehold Lies and Sabotaged Returns

For over a century, many whites secured long-term leases from apartheid municipalities and the national government—some 30, 50, even 99 years—on public land for private enrichment. The arrangement was simple: maintain the property, uplift the community, and return it when required. What transpired was the opposite.

These properties were held at a song—sometimes for a mere R1 per annum—and exploited ruthlessly. When leases lapsed or the democratic government reclaimed ownership, many white leaseholders either refused to vacate, or worse, deliberately vandalized and stripped the buildings, reducing them to derelict husks.

This is not disrepair—it is racial contempt in physical form. Buildings torched, plumbing ripped out, windows smashed. In many instances, this strategic sabotage paved the way for criminal syndicates and hijackers to seize the properties, plunging communities into urban decay. All because their pride would not allow them to hand over land to a Black-led state.

The Legal Paradox: Criminal Law and the Question of Land Possession

In criminal law, dolus eventualis applies when one foresees the possibility of an unlawful consequence and reconciles with it. If one is found in possession of stolen goods, they are arrested for theft, or complicity in theft, regardless of whether they committed the initial act.

Yet this principle is mysteriously suspended when it comes to land dispossession. Land stolen under colonial conquest and apartheid force of arms is excused under the false doctrine of prescription or formal title, despite originating from brute illegality.

We apply Section 50 of the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA) to seize assets of the drug dealer and fraudster—but not to land fraudulently “acquired” via racial exclusion? Is that justice?

POCA and the Asset Forfeiture Unit: A Sleeping Sword

South Africa’s Asset Forfeiture Unit (AFU) has sweeping powers under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (POCA Act 121 of 1998) to seize property deemed to be the proceeds of crime. It has been used successfully against corrupt officials, criminal syndicates, and even bogus NGOs.

But what of land obtained through historical fraud? Why has the AFU not moved decisively to investigate the origin of property titles, especially where the state was the original grantor or lessee?

Let me be blunt: white South Africans should be compelled to demonstrate the lawful origin of title—not just via deeds, but through ethical justice and the question of how the land was first acquired. If such proof fails, that land must revert to the state and be redistributed under constitutional and equitable parameters.

The Moonshot Pact: Corporate Captains of a Reactionary Rebellion

The so-called Moonshot Pact, with the DA as its reactionary vanguard, is not a pact of governance—it is a counter-revolution in blue blazers.

Funded by a cabal of Stellenbosch-linked financiers and international conservative networks, the Pact seeks to capture power not through elections alone, but by discrediting transformation, demonising the state, and flooding international airwaves with ‘South Africa is failing’ propaganda. The DA’s court challenges against Employment Equity, BEE, and Land Reform are not about law—they are about economic sabotage dressed in judicial garb.

Treason in a Time of Transformation

Let us not sugar-coat this: when South Africans—whether political parties or private citizens—go to the USA to solicit intervention or publicly declare persecution, they commit an act tantamount to treason.

They bring shame not only upon the Republic, but spit in the face of those who died so they could vote. That they do this while collecting government salaries, using South African passports, and operating under the democratic protection of the Constitution they ridicule—is a hypocrisy too vile to ignore.


Where is the legal courage to prosecute this betrayal? The Intelligence Services Act, RICA, and Foreign Interference Bill must be invoked to investigate external political influence masquerading as refugee claims and foreign ‘investment pressure’.

The ANC’s Failure to Respond: The Painful Truth, and the Imperative of Political Vigilance

At this moment, the ANC must confront a bitter but necessary truth: it has grown too tolerant, too conciliatory, and dangerously hesitant in the face of a coordinated, well-funded campaign to delegitimise its governance, rewrite the history of this country, and reverse the gains of the democratic revolution.

This is not the soft grumbling of internal debate—it is the loud silence of political surrender. While the Democratic Alliance and its Moonshot Pact operatives flooded every highway, township, and suburban mall with polished, corporate-financed propaganda, the ANC was asleep at the wheel of its own revolution.

Posters were not only late—they were symbolic of something deeper: a retreat from the battlefield of narrative, of symbolism, and of moral conviction. The opposition controlled the streets not just with blue banners, but with a calculated psychological assault, engineered to implant despair in Black communities and doubt in the hearts of even the most loyal comrades.

Internal factionalism has bred a culture of paralysis. If we allow the opposition to define the terrain, we concede not just votes—we surrender the moral architecture of post-apartheid South Africa.

This must never happen again.

The Way Forward: Revolutionary Legality

• Land must be placed under state custodianship and issued to rightful claimants through land tenure certificates.
• All land lease arrangements must be reviewed, and property sabotaged upon exit must result in criminal prosecution under the Damage to Public Property Act, and Forfeiture proceedings under POCA.
• The DA and its funders must be named and shamed—including links to external actors aiming to destabilize transformation.
• A constitutional amendment must clarify that historically stolen land cannot be protected under prescription law or shielded by bond arrangements arising from the proceeds of dispossession.

Conclusion: A Fire This Time

To the 46 who fled to Trump’s America—run. But know this: you are running from a reckoning. Not vengeance. Not chaos. But justice. We are building a South Africa where no stolen land sleeps in peace, no saboteur walks unchallenged, and no whitewashed lie goes unpunished.

We are not in search of coexistence with treachery. We are in search of liberation that finishes what 1994 merely began.

Stan Itshegetseng is a member of the ANC’s Vutiyani branch, Greater Johannesburg Region, in Gauteng. He writes in his personal capacity.